The results of the 16th
Lok Sabha election were recently declared and Narendra Modi led BJP-NDA
government has taken the new charge. Whenever India approaches elections a
sudden discussion on electoral reforms starts to take place in the esoteric
circles. Academicians and critics talk about criminalization of politics, the
role of money power and need for public funding of elections to curb the
former. Recently the discussions included NOTA. While some of it manages to linger in the
public mind, much of it fades out with the declaration of results. However a
closer examination of election results of the 16th Lok Sabha
elections will show a surprising reality of the current election system in
India, which should become the next topic of discussion among the Indian intellectuals.
India
follows FPTP (First-past-the-post)
election system which is also called territorial
representation. Candidates contest elections from constituencies and only people belonging to the particular constituency votes and chose among the available options. In FPTP each state is divided into territorial constituencies such that:
a.
The
ratio of number of seats in parliament for that state and its population
remains same for all states. (not including states with population <
6Million)
b.
Each
state is divided into territorial constituencies such that the ratio between population
of each constituency and number of seats allocated to that constituency is
constant.
The
rationale behind adopting FPTP was deeply linked with the regional diversity of
India. It was understood that FPTP will allow people from all genres to contest
elections from their native places and engage in the political system; that
under FPTP the candidate-voter relationship will be stronger and that the
candidate elected will better understand the socio-economic conditions of the
constituency and thus will be in a better position to take requisite steps to address them.
Noble
were the initial intentions of the constituent assembly members, who created
and drafted our constitution, but as B.R. Ambedkar rightly said “The
constitution represents ideas of the current time, it shall however be amended
by the future generations as per their requirements”. Whether our election system should be amended or not is for you to judge, I can but only express the unseen realities.
Let
us have a look at the wonders of FPTP in this general election’s results:
Political
Party
|
Percentage
of votes received
|
Seats
won in Parliament
|
BJP
|
31%
|
282
(51.74%)
|
INC
|
19.3%
|
44
(8.07%)
|
BSP
|
4.1%
|
0
(0%)
|
AITC
|
3.8%
|
34
(6.23)
|
AIADMK
|
3.3%
|
37
(6.78%)
|
SP
|
3.4%
|
5
(0.91%)
|
Analysis of the figures of the table aforementioned brings to notice some surprising realities. Bhartiya Janta
Party managed to secure 31% of vote share which translated into 282
parliamentary seats. Since BJP emerged out as the biggest winner, if one does a
little math upon their figures then it tells that for each 1% of votes there
must be 9.09 seats in parliament. According to this simple linear logic INC
(the 2nd largest party) garnering a support base of 19.3% votes should have received (19.3x9.09 ie.) at least 175 seats. On the contrary it has received
only 44.
If
this is not surprising enough then have a look at the figures of BSP, AITC, AIADMK
and SP. AIADMK had a vote base of only 3.3% but they managed to secure 37
seats, fairly close to INC. This shows that a difference of 16% of votes has only
affected 7 seats in total (while according to our logic even 1% should mean 9.09
seats). SP on the other hand has a vote base of 3.4% (0.1% larger than AIADMK)
however manages only 5 seats. Ironically Bahujan Samaj Party has the largest
vote base (4.1%) amongst the above mentioned parties but it hasn't won any seat at
all!
Why does such
discrepancies happen between the votes and seats obtained by a political party?
Say
there are 5 candidates fighting from one constituency and if under the fray one
of them gets 1/5th +1 votes, then she/he will be declared the
winner. Which means she/he wins at 20% of the total valid votes polled, leaving the remaining 80% as waste. This brings into question the
legitimacy of the claim of the winner over representing the electorate.
This
also introduces the concept of wasted
votes. Sadly enough under FPTP a vote gets wasted if it goes to the loosing candidate because only one candidate is elected and rest all are
equally at a loss. A gentlemen once quoted that “even if my candidate loses my vote is not wasted because then I and my
candidate represents the voice of dissent”. This condolence sounds more
like a losing battle as not getting an entry into the parliament does indeed
leave my candidate as a voice of dissent but only in tea shop discussions,
dinner table frustrations and demonstrations in front of secretariats which seldom translate into anything useful for society.
There
is a plethora of evidences from around the world about such discrepancies
caused by FPTP system. One click on the internet can display a gamut of cases in various countries which follow FPTP including Canada, UK and
USA.
The
Proportional representation is one substitute to the FPTP. As a matter of fact
India utilises the Single Transferable Vote, a form of proportional
representation to elect members of Rajya Sabha, members of the State
Legislative Councils, The President and the Vice President. Under Proportional
representation people vote the political parties rather the
candidates; and based on the proportion of votes garnered by the party it gets the corresponding proportion of seats in the Parliament. The seats are then filled by party members as
per the priority provided by the party. This essentially means that if XYZ party gets 2% of votes only, they will get seats in parliament corresponding to 2% of total seats. There are both advantages and
disadvantages of using PR system.
Advantages:
a.
Minority
parties will get a representation in the parliament.
b.
Concept
of waste vote will get eliminated and a true voice of dissent will be present
in Parliament.
c.
Regional
Parties like CPM and Jaago Party will get due representation.
d.
Will
help in reducing vote bank politics and identity politics, no need for reserved constituencies.
e.
Only
the deserving members of the party shall get seats.
f.
Will
address the issue of criminalization of politics and irrational corporate spending on
elections.
Disadvantages:
a.
Will
eliminate the concept of by-polls.
b.
Will
eliminate the intimate relationship between voters and candidates.
c.
Increase
the significance of party system and decrease that of candidate.
d.
Will
increase the possibility of dynastic politics and reduce the entry of newcomers, youth and eliminate independent nominations.
e.
Will
increase large scale proliferation of political parties in Parliament and
further political fragmentation.
As
a matter of fact if one goes by the election manifestos, both Bhartiya Janta
Party and Indian National Congress oppose the move towards accepting the PR or
even partial PR system. While regional parties like CPM and SAD have been in favor of it. There is no objective claim over the usefulness or superiority of these systems.
A country must choose the best provisions from them to suit its political realities. As for India the way lies ahead in having a partial PR system with
provisions of both FPTP and PR system. (The Law commission report on this
suggestion can be viewed here)
The FPTP system is failing a
fundamental test of fairness and it is time that appropriate measures be taken
to introduce at least a partial PR system. This will only serve to diversify
the parliamentary composition and our democratic essence by also bringing up
the subjugated voices and the darker hues of the society up to the highest
platform of discussions.
References:
·
Collected essays and
articles from Frontline and The Hindu
·
Official Election
Commission data eciresults.nic.in/
·
Indian Polity by M.
Laxmikanth ~ Proportional Representation
·
http://lawcommissionofindia.nic.in/lc170.htm
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